A High-Profile Survivor
Ellen Yan
This is the first of two profiles of candidates in the Third Congressional District. Today's profile looks at Rep. Peter King (R-Seaford); next is a look at his Democratic challenger, Sea Cliff businessman Dal LaMagna. Washington-He's been in the media selling himself, or his opinions, so often recently that a political news roundup jokingly declared, "Pete King Soon to Surpass Larry King in Prime-Time Appearances." King even talked about "Survivor," a hit TV show he admittedly never followed, and commented on how the series reflected the American people. "They do yearn for certain reality, and you know, maybe that is what's missing from politics," King (R-Seaford) said on MSNBC's "Hardball." "One difference, though, between being successful in politics and being successful on this show is no matter how devious you may or may not be in politics, you have to convince the American people that you're a good person." With the help of a hefty dose of visibility in the media, King himself is a survivor, almost at the end of what he describes as his "most turbulent" two-year term in Congress. During that time, the four-term congressman raised his profile above many of his 534 colleagues, from testing the waters in New York's U.S. Senate race to defying his party by speaking against impeaching President Bill Clinton. King showed that he could buck his party, but also proved that he was, in the end, a Republican Party man. Two years ago, he found himself on the outside of power, where he seems most comfortable, but after the election of a new House speaker, Dennis Hastert (R-Ill.) in 1999, he's started building relationships with the new leader. But the congressman has been less visible on the main legislative issues of the day, even on the ones he considers to be the nation's most pressing problems. Rather, his style seems to be focusing on a limited number of projects, sometimes getting what he wants by capitalizing on the strength of his relationships on both sides of the political aisle. As the Nassau political veteran tries to win a fifth term, his Democratic opponent, Sea Cliff businessman Dal LaMagna, calls him an "old paragon" who should be ousted to make way for someone familiar with globalization and the need for environmentally sensitive corporations. King has been busy trying to keep his balance in the political world. He outlasted House Speaker Newt Gingrich (R-Ga.), whom he once called "road kill," then took it upon himself to be the unofficial spokesman for two speakers-elect. During the presidential primaries, he ditched the Republican establishment's candidate, Texas Gov. George W. Bush, in favor of Sen. John McCain of Arizona, with whom he had several differences previously. He flew several times to Northern Ireland, where he's practically a household name, to try to keep alive a historic but fragile peace agreement. When New York City Mayor Rudolph Giuliani bowed out of the Senate race in May, King floated his own name as a replacement. He poured out the supporting arguments: backing from the unions, the conservatives, the politically restless, McCain, and the fact that he had worked enough with cabinet officials and foreign leaders to call them by their first names. Like his ally McCain, King tried to prove he was outside the establishment. "He has a very strong, independent streak," McCain said, "and I think he's proven by his political success that voters ... even when they disagree with him, appreciate his political independence." "He places his loyalty to his ideals above loyalty to his party," agreed Jay Severin of Sag Harbor, a political consultant who has worked mainly with Republicans. But King lost his bid to become the party's Senate candidate, and he's not alone in suspecting his frankness proved to be his undoing. He said he sees a "disconnect" between voters and lawmakers as the biggest problem in Congress, which fuels the pressure to have "your hair blow dried and your message refined." "I really believe that democracy is a contact sport," King said. "There should be dialogue between the people and the elected officials." Yet King is not known to be a leader on any of the issues he lists as priorities: elimination of the marriage tax penalty, beefing up the national defense and tax relief for parents sending kids to college. He rarely joins in news conferences arranged by his party members to pitch their arguments. In King's eyes, the most pressing problem facing the nation is the uncertain fate of the Social Security system, but he concedes he has done little on the issue. He supports some privatization, the heart of the Republican proposal. He would also reserve 90 percent of the budget surplus to shore up Social Security and Medicare. The son of Irish immigrants, King grew up in a blue-collar neighborhood in Sunnyside, Queens. He was graduated from St. Francis College in Brooklyn and the University of Notre Dame Law School. He and his family moved to Seaford in 1971 and he landed a job as a deputy county attorney in 1972. He later became assistant chief deputy county executive, was elected to the Hempstead Town Board and served as Nassau County comptroller before being elected to Congress in 1992. He and his wife, Rosemary, have two adult children. As a congressman, King measures his worth not in the number of bills he introduces-after all, many lawmakers introduce legislation for publicity, then abandon it. Rather, King says his worth is measured by the lives he has changed, such as through his unofficial role as a mediator in Northern Ireland. "I'm not on the committees in question," he said. In his opinion, there are enough fix-it bills out there, and he said he makes his views on proposals known to his party and discusses with colleagues the merits of certain ideas. "I respect another member's turf," King said. "When it comes time for me to call in a favor for my district, I'm more inclined to get it." In calling for favors, mining relationships has worked for King to bring back some of the bacon for Nassau. For example, he successfully lobbied his White House ally, Clinton, to designate millions of dollars over the last three years for the East Side Access project, which would create a time-saving link between the Long Island Rail Road and Grand Central Station. On the surface, King may seem like a classic conservative. He's anti-abortion. He's for less government and a strong defense. He supports tax cuts. He prefers states' rights over federal mandates. But on some of the most pressing issues and close votes this term, King abandoned his party. He joined the Democrats in voting for a patients' bill of rights that would allow lawsuits against managed care providers and for the pro-gun control version of background checks at gun shows. He also supported Clinton by voting for air strikes to stop ethnic cleansing in Kosovo, a region that's known to him because of his congressional trips there and his seat on the House international relations committee. He fell in line with party leaders on repealing the estate tax, eliminating the marriage penalty and easing the Social Security income-earning limits. He nixed billions of dollars to hire new teachers, reduce class sizes and provide more training for educators but supported the Republican version of flexible grants for school districts. "He's the old paragon ... tax breaks for the wealthy, tax breaks for corporations and trickle down economy," said LaMagna, 54, a millionaire who owns the Tweezerman Corp, which makes tweezers. He also ran against King in 1996, and got 42 percent of the vote to King's 55 percent. LaMagna believes that whether the Democrats or Republicans control the House next year, King would be in the minority if re-elected. If the Democrats win, King's party won't rule; if the Republicans win, King would still be outside leadership circles, LaMagna said. LaMagna said King's opposition to campaign finance reform makes him a "prisoner of special interest." King believes contributions should be unlimited and every dollar should be reported, but his opponent said, "Reporting isn't everything. It doesn't allow some bright person to run if he can't raise the money." If he wins, King plans as usual to reintroduce his bill to recognize English as the country's official language. It would ban the use of bilingual ballots and federal funding of bilingual education. It encourages funding for English learning classes. The bill has stalled in Congress, but when Republicans reduced funding for bilingual education in the past few years, that was partly King's doing. He calls his stance "tough love," stemming from his childhood in Sunnyside, where the Chinese classmate he had a crush on came from a family that adapted to a new life by learning English. "I think immigration is the life blood of the United States," King said. "But I also feel that for it to continue to work, immigrants have to become part of the United States. They can't just be consigned to linguistic ghettos." Even some Democrats believe the proposal reflects a deeper thinking they say King often brings to issues he studies, not the hateful agenda ascribed to other Republican supporters on some immigrations issues. "He does it out of positive reasoning, that it would be helpful to everybody," said Rep. Gary Ackerman (D-Queens/L.I.), who does not agree with the English-only concept. King possesses a sort of Teflon quality that has seen him through bad times while his adversaries' stars have dimmed. His seniority landed him the chairmanship of the banking oversight subcommittee almost two years ago, protecting him from a suspected plot by House leaders to deprive him of the plum assignment because of his impeachment stance. Those same leaders were given the cold shoulder during the Republican convention, while King was hosting a key reception for labor at the request of national party leaders. King said being outspoken and schlepping from TV show to TV show many nights has allowed him to shape perceptions of his actions. He believes voters seek openness now more than ever from their elected officials. This, as he sees it, is perfect for him. "It's like the man and the moment have arrived," he said. |